Political thought, the philosophy of law and historical materialism suffer persecution and reproach today in Madrid. Officially. Because the City Council, governed by the three rights – and not precisely by the most shrewd expression of them – has confused Stalinism, totalitarian and fierce expression of Soviet communism, with historical materialism and declared that on August 23, every year it will be held in the Villa and Court, not only on the Day of the Victims of Nazism and Stalinism (as celebrated in other places in Europe), but on the victims of Marxism. This was stated by Councilman Javier Ortega Smith. So that we understand each other, as if to condemn the Holocaust perpetrated by the Third Reicht, we add to the event "the Victims of Nietzschean Thought".
Bad ideas come out poorly, but if they are combined with a splash of fanaticism and a good dose of fat brush – reverberation, Donald Trump promising to build a wall against immigration in Colorado, a state that does not limit Mexico (or any other country or ocean), but with New Mexico, to the delight of a CNN presenter who almost drowns in laughter this week – they can turn you into a laughing stock and at the same time affect the foundation of the freedom system of a liberal democracy, whose constitution, such It is the case, it is not militant. The Day of Victims of Marxism is laughing, but it is also scary. Like Halloween Like Trump
Acting rigorously is demanding, so sometimes we get a ball and we throw down the middle street, we shoot the bulge, as does the Madrid town hall, which almost declares a Day of Victims of the Hegelian Dialectic and, if they hurry me, Kantian Categorical Imperative. Democracy and fascism are terms prostituted by the electoral heat.RELATED
At the time, John Paul II blamed René Descartes, father of modern philosophy, of current moral relativism, which is what Catholicism calls the West's regime of individual liberties from the Enlightenment. He did it in complimentary terms; but no. In his book Crossing the threshold of hope (1994), the Polish pontiff wrote: “All the rationalism of the last centuries – both in its Anglo-Saxon expression and in the continental with Kantism, Hegelianism and German philosophy of the nineteenth centuries and XX to Husserl and Heidegger– can be considered a continuation and development of Cartesian positions. (…) Descartes represents the beginning of the development of both the exact and natural sciences and of the human sciences according to this new expression. With him he turns his back on metaphysics and focuses the focus on the philosophy of knowledge. Kant is the greatest representative of this current. If it is not possible to blame the father of modern rationalism for the estrangement of Christianity, it is difficult not to recognize that he created the climate in which, in modern times, such estrangement could take place. ”
In Roman Paladin, thinking too much is not very cool. At least, it doesn't help to pray. In Spanish cinemas, Miguel de Unamuno, with the face of Karra Elejalde, has to listen to Jose Millán-Astray (Eduard Fernández) shout “die intelligence!” And the new tenants of the Palacio de Cibeles applaud the founder of the legion and its abjuration of the reasoning illustrated.
Rigor costs, yes. And yet it is essential not to do things that are scary and laugh at the same time. Moving in the space of free thinking and civil and political rights of democracy requires knowing your little bit of political philosophy and understanding the principles on which a Western democracy rests. Who was going to think that in so few years we were going to miss so much Education for Citizenship. A night school for journalists and politicians. A councilwoman of Vox in Vila-real gave us this piece of anti-thinking this week: “From the Vox group we will only say two things: homosexuals have a penis and lesbians have vulva. We are in favor of removing the banners and pamphlets of gays and lesbians because each one, his sexual orientation, in his house and in his bed ”. Cover yourself up, rake. Note the absence of an intellective hilvan, even precarious, between the first proposition and the second.
The last campaign spot of United We can close up a dystopian future like that of the Channel Four Years and years series, and it would be said that they have fallen short because it is not a hypothesis that can be seen but an evidence that immerses us in this campaign, taken of madness like a busted door. Between laughter and fear, the country enters November unraveled. In courtly journalism, that which appears at all hours on radios and televisions, analyst choirs renounce all polyphony and sing with one voice that Catalonia is convulsed by two million posh children, while comparing a camping of a few hundred students with the reasons of the Hitler youth. They move with laughter and fear, all at once, in these few days that go from the Night of the Dead to the Gunpowder Conspiracy: "Remember, remember, the fifth of november …".
Dystopia with mask moves to laughter and fear in this campaign between the Day of the Dead and the Gunpowder Conspiracy
They do so without appreciating any contradiction between one thing and the other, in a rigorous application of Godwin's Law. Michael Wayne Godwin is an American lawyer who, in 1990, working for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, set a law on discussions in networks that almost thirty years later is met with creepy precision: “As an online discussion lengthens, the Probability that a comparison appears in which Hitler or the Nazis is mentioned tends to one. ” That is, the sophisticated capital gatherings of our conspicuous experts are already at the exact level of a forum of the Deep Web, the deep internet. Our public debate has landed in Forocoches. Or vice versa: Forocoches has owned professionals who retail in microphones and sets.
Enric Juliana wrote last Friday (here) that Carles Puigdemont wanted to be the Guido Fawkes of V de Vendetta – Alan Moore's 1980 story rewritten for the cinema in 2006 by the Wachowski brothers (now sisters, who does not find out about Councilwoman Vox) – to take revenge on the prisoner Oriol Junqueras, but "the perfect plans do not exist at the time of the cult of the mask of Anonymus and the face of Joker." There we stand, between Joker, of Todd Phillips, and V of Vendetta, of James McTeigue. The Warner / DC film, starring a Joaquin Phoenix that rivals mohines and pantomimes with the great Marcel Marceau, reigns these days at ticket offices near the Unamuno by Alejandro Amenábar, an impossible dialogue between now and before, between the invented and remembered, between enlightenment and madness. Joker proposes herself as a parable about the societies of the uberliberal sunset (although the film is developed in the eighties, at the dawn of reaganism that initiated the task of overwhelming the planetary middle classes), and thanks to this it has seduced both anti-capitalism angry as to the macho reactionary forums incel –involuntary celibate (involuntary singles )–, a heterosexual, macho and anti-feminist movement that brings together groups that fail to maintain sexual relations and express that inability to relate to women in a enraged misogyny. The Incel have been linked in the United States to some of the latest serious shootings in the country.
V frame of Vendetta
(Vertigo / Warner Bros Pictures)
Arthur Feck, the sosias of the Joker, is a diagnosed psychopath, with a denigrating job as a clown-advertisement, who lives only with a crazy mother who abused him as a child, who has a romantic adventure (although only in his rickety imagination) with a neighbor, a single mother who will end up killing when she discovers that such a romance has not happened, a sinister and furious guy who consumes an oceanic anger against everything that surrounds him, from public transport travelers to his television idols, going through his co-workers or the millionaire ex-chief of his mother, Thomas Wayne, the doctor and philanthropist father of Bruce Wayne / Batman turned here into a douchebag, an orphan and undesirable millionaire, shatters the script to better justify the construction of a universe ethical that of moral and political support to the protagonist. So that our laughter and our fear succumb to a dangerous compassion. So that a victim of himself seems to be a victim all of the others.
While V de Vendetta is inspired by the far-left terrorism that shook the European democracies in the 1970s – from the Baader Meinhof to the IRA, passing through ETA or the Red Brigades – to build an anti -cherist political allegory against an ultraconservative government that had turned the United Kingdom into a dystopian neo-fascist authoritarian regime led by the Nordic Fire party, Joker refers in Martin Scorsese's cinema about the post-war declination of Vietnam and the oil crisis, which illuminated masterpieces about that anarchoid ultra-rightism as genuinely American as Taxi Driver, and moving and fables about the dispossessed, like Midnight Cowboy, by John Schlesinger.
V (Hugo Weaving), the mysterious antihero who uses the mask of Guido Fawkes (the Catholic who tried to kill King James I in 1605), projects a coup d'etat of Troskist strategy, a surgical revolution that relies on the intervention of the communications and the destruction of Big Ben and the Houses of Parliament to return power to the people. That is, a democratic and popular utopia. Arthur Fleck is something else, a crazy gunman who shoots indiscriminately. After seeing his expectations of being a natural son of the wealthy Wayne frustrated, he succumbs to a violent outburst that is aimed at both the rest of the population and the institution – embodied in the famous and veteran television presenter Murray Franklin, played by Robert de Niro – without any purpose of amending a system on which it issues no more judgment than its individual bitterness, without plan or alternative.
The indiscriminate anger against what is wrong (and also against everything that is right) that Fleck condenses is identical to that which has led Donald Trump to the White House, hence the film by Todd Phillips, far from constituting a parable of emancipation, is a fantasy in which all American white trash is recognized, that which brings together the so-called alt-right, that is, the illiberal ultra-right equipped with semi-automatic and crucifixes, and the masses of Incel that they conspire, pale before the glare of their pantallitas, in the bilges of Internet, by a world of submissive women. Trump, not to forget, won the presidency by proposing himself literally as an antisystem, willing to stand up to "the bureaucrats of Washington and the sharks of Wall Street." And to place the Arthur Fleck who embodies Phoenix in his fair political terms, it should be remembered that Trump pronounced in the campaign a shocking, but surely true, phrase that anticipates the final scene of Joker: “I have the most loyal voters. Have you ever seen something like that? I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot people, and I would not lose voters. ” Laughter and a half.
Trump predicted the ar Joker ’anarcho-liberal chaos in the campaign:“ I could shoot people on Fifth Avenue and not lose voters ”
The Madrid institutionalism curses political ideas embracing the anti-illustrious turn of the fictional Nordic Fire of V de Vendetta, while the streets of Barcelona immerse themselves in the disorder of the masked followers of the Joker. The decomposition of the ideological maps of this crisis of liberal democracies advances and expands. Not only an opulent, stupid and impolite daddy's boy like Donald Trump knew how to present himself to the losers of globalization as a vehicle of sovereignty and popular reconquest, but on this side of the Atlantic conspicuous leftist analysts point out Joker, not as a portrait of popular trumpism that asks for compassion for the far-right voter, but as an allegory of the revolution of those from below against those from above. Joker laughs and is scary, but here a left celebrates it. Like Trump.
That confusion is what has lit everywhere in the dislocated electoral campaign we are attending, in which a burning container – which expresses an allegorical formulation of contemporary violence because it deposits anger destined to people or institutions in urban furniture – is palmaria manifestation of a liberating moment or, on the contrary, counterrevolutionary anger, depending on the city of residence of the analyst. A bewilderment that reaches the arsonists themselves, who see themselves as vectors of an antifascist revolution and as the agents of an identity construction. They demand voting and threaten to boycott the impending appointment with the polls. The fury that agitates in the streets of Barcelona and that will most likely be extended in the future to other places on the peninsula – for different reasons that are apparent but identical in the deep: the crisis of institutional legitimacy of the liberal system against which they perpetuate the revolutionary and the totalitarian, utopia and nostalgia – points to a democratic and reactionary drive while making it difficult for us to understand our surroundings.
Intimidating smiling masks, that of the clown and that of the terrorist, nestled in a new political terror that is also expressed in the most complete dystopia about the class rancor that the cinema has lit for the Halloween billboards: The purge night of the beasts) (2013-2018), a series of films created by James DeMonaco that proposes a democracy made in the USA in which, for twelve hours, one night a year, no violent crime is illegal. Another night of disorder and purifying fire in which the participants wear smiling masks. "Why so serious?" The Joker asks us for years on posters and t-shirts. "Why so serious?".
Frame of 'The purge. The night of the beasts'
Around there flutters Watchmen, the series written by Damon Lindelof for HBO, late sequel to Alan Moore's famous namesake comedy, in which, in the words of the GQ critic
Noel Ceballos, Lindelof identifies the power of our dystopia: “X-ray glasses that, once put on, reveal secret passages of American history, paths not taken (but still relevant in the collective unconscious) and counterfactual versions of historical landmarks that , of course, they end up digging up a deeper truth: dystopia as the only genuinely revealing key to reading the present. ”
Policemen hidden behind yellow balaclavas and wild neo-Nazis with masks of the ultra-right superhero Rorschach, which is again Taxi driver. Barcelona, maybe Madrid, Santiago, Chile, Hong Kong, Paris … Paths not taken, counterfactual versions of historical events, Ceballos lists, which seems to speak to the face of a country and a present in which in just five days it Anachronisms and paradoxes happen, in a multiscreen event and in rigorous direct: a princess girl of golden curls blesses her luck, a city burns between institutions that say one thing and the opposite, a sleeping beast under the mountain flies away (like the dragon Smaug leaving Erebor) and threatens to be third in discord before the astonished eyes of a country attached to the television, fascism threatening in the first time to politics in the name of democracy, the capital of the country declaring genocidal political philosophy and trying to banish bikes in the name of the environment … And five forty asking for the vote from the same monitor. Barcelona is immolated, Madrid grazna and the Enlightenment that sponsored democratic thinking, mother of Marxism and liberalism, is beaten in retreat. The TV laughs and is scary, in deranged grimace.
Blade Runner told us that in November 2019 the enemy would be indistinguishable from ourselves, that the terrified heterosexual white man would love androids and also persecute them to kill them, and that that execution without arrest or trial would call it withdrawal. Welcome to the future. "Why so serious?"