Mauricio Macri and Donald Trump built a geopolitical agenda that was based on the defense of free trade and constant pressure on Nicolás Maduro to force his resignation and initiate a democratic transition in Venezuela.
Meanwhile, Macri with Theresa May and later with Boris Johnson – current British premier – designed a bilateral relationship that placed the Malvinas issue in a diplomatic umbrella – without giving up the claim of sovereignty – to advance in multiple commercial, economic, scientific and cultural.
In Washington and London they fear that the electoral victory of Alberto Fernández will cool this privileged relationship with Buenos Aires and that everything goes back to the times of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in the Casa Rosada and Héctor Timerman in the Foreign Ministry.RELATED
Instead, Fernández is inclined to the diplomatic proposal of Uruguay and Mexico, which they impose on the negotiating table on the populist leader as a sine qua non condition to initiate an institutional process that includes interests of the United States, China, Russia, the European Union, Cuba and Iran
The US ambassador, Edward Prado, had breakfast yesterday at the Costa Galana and then moved to the Sheraton hotel, where the IDEA Colloquium takes place. Prado does not have diplomatic training – he was a judge in Texas – but he knows all the foreign policy sets and takes every opportunity to explain the position of the State Department in the event of a possible victory for Fernández.
The Trump representative in Argentina commented in the IDEA corridors that it would be a mistake for Fernández to order the country's resignation to the Lima Group. Prado added that a hasty decision on Venezuela could stain the entire bilateral relationship with a likely Peronist government and that that implies including debt negotiation in a dead zone between the White House and the Casa Rosada.
Prado already chat with Fernández and asked Jorge Argüello – former ambassador to the United States and an adviser to the Peronist candidate – to coordinate an informal meeting with CFK. However, apart from these approximation gestures, at the American embassy they comment that nothing will advance between Washington and Buenos Aires until Fernández ratifies Argentina's permanence in the Lima Group and its diplomatic strategy of removing Maduro from power as a step prior to an institutional solution of the crisis in Venezuela.
Prado's fears regarding Fernández's international agenda – revealed with caution and simplicity – had their correlation with Mark Kent, Britain's ambassador to Argentina. Kent has diplomatic training and a handling of bilateral relations that exceed the by the book taught in the Foreign Office.
Kent toured the IDEA Colloquium before the opening dinner and his usual smile lost a certain brightness when businessmen warned about the possibility of a diplomatic paradigm shift in relations with London. The trained English representative brought the May-Johnson administrations with Macri very close and also fears – like Prado – that Fernández's arrival at Balcarce 50 freezes this unprecedented historical cycle in the relations of both countries.
The presidential candidate of the Front of All advanced in the first presidential debate that would review the terms of the agreements signed between Argentina and Great Britain, and that opened a question in the Foreign Office. In the last four years there have been many advances in the bilateral relationship and the admonition of Fernández in Santa Fe set off certain alarms in London.
Prado and Kent went through the IDEA Colloquium, and executed their diplomatic task. Now they expect Fernandez to move, if he defeats Macri. And they pray that Cristina – really – does not influence presidential decisions: they already know that everything was cold in her time in the Buenos Aires-DC-London triangle.